Things are heating up.  Tensions are rising, and the violent protests are increasing, which are resulting – if some of the web videos out there are to be believed – in ever more severe crackdowns.  I don’t want to sound too judgemental, but the impression one gets is that the impunity mentioned in the BICI report is still going on.

The opposition is growing ever more restless, and Sheik Isa Qassim seems to be losing it. In his last sermon he said something to the effect of “if these shameless mercenaries come in to your villages again, and are abusive to your families – crush them!  CRUSH THEM! CRUSH THEM!”

This is not good.

Some youths rioting that I witnessed over the weekend in Sar. They blocked off the road, and I did not stay long enough for riot police to appear

Personally, I think it’s only a matter of time until Al-Wefaq stop calling for a constitutional monarchy, and start calling for open revolt.  Their patience is running out, and the impression one gets is that they are inches away from insulting the king – though they don’t refrain from severely criticising him.

And as the anti-government temper is rising, so is the pro-government’s.  People are calling to punish “the terrorists”, and severely criticising the government for their perceived lack of action.  Few are in the mood for reconciliation.  It’s as if the BICI report never happened.

That’s not to say that the government isn’t doing a lot of work behind the scenes, it is.  It is working hard on implementing every single Basyouni recommendation, but the overall spirit of reconciliation seems to be missing.  I’ve heard several people predicting civil war – heaven forbid.

You can bet your bottom dollar that the underground Feb 14th guys are planning something big for February 14th 2012.  So what’s likely to happen? Here are some possible scenarios:

1) All hell breaks lose, and we have another tragic repeat of 2011, where there is lawlessness and chaos in the streets.  I’d say this has a 20% likelihood of happening.

2) The protestors try something big, but the security forces beat them to the punch and quench the attempted rebellion.  I give this scenario a 50% likelihood.

3) Another normal day, and business as usual – 20% likelihood.

4) The government announces something really big which will calm everyone down and start real reconciliation (we’ve been hearing rumours of this since summer last year) – 10% likelihood.

Though I pray for Number Four, I have my doubts.

I hope I’m wrong.

Talk soon.

My head is spinning!  This whole reconciliation business is not easy!

I’m told that prof. Bassiouni said that working in Libya was a walk in the park compared to Bahrain, and I believe him.  Emotions are still high, and the wounds very raw.  And the government’s snail-paced reform process is not helping.

To give you a quick update, I’ve been doing some rounds visiting some key players in Bahrain, and just conversing – mostly just listening.  I’m not really trying to convince anyone of anything just yet, I just want to make sure I hear all sides of the story.  And just like everything else about the Bahrain crisis, there are two (or several) different sides of the story.  It seems that very few are willing to see things from the other side’s perspective.

Here’s a quick summary of how I see things, and please excuse the generalities:

Shias feel that they are marginalised by the government and demand their rights.  Many in the government view these demands as unjustified and sectarian based. Sunnis are angry at Shias for the violent rioting that took place, and are convinced that since the rioters did not take the Sunnis feelings into consideration, and made them feel afraid and unsafe, that the riots/protests/uprisings were sectarian based.  Rejecting HRH’s Crown Prince initiative and escalating the riots and taking them out of the pearl roundabout was the only proof they needed that this was a sectarian revolution.

The protesting Shias are dismissive of the Sunni anger, saying we have no problems with Sunnis, and they say “besides, aren’t we the ones who have been persecuted, fired from our jobs, jailed tortured and killed?” This perceived lack of repsect infuriates Sunnis even more, convincing them even more that Shias want to create an Iran backed Wilayat Al-Faqeeh state.  Some are even saying that the government was not harsh enough on them.

On certain days, it feels like literally everyone in Bahrain is dissatisfied.  Meanwhile, the government is reforming slower than it takes a lizard to evolve into a chicken.  There seems to be very little leadership at the moment.

And to add sizzle to the whole mix, Iran and prominent Shia clerics in Iraq are continuing to comment on Bahrain, as if it’s their business.  One Shia friend once commented to me “the Iranian revolution is the worse thing that could happens to Shias in the Gulf.”  I agree.

The question is my friend, how deep down the rabbit hole do you want to go?  I’m in pretty deep, and going deeper…

Someone asked me recently “do you see any light at the end of the tunnel?” My reply was “I see light because I force myself to see it.”

I remain optimistic, but it’s not easy…

It’s a bit flattering and a bit worrying to be so interesting!  Who knew wanting to reconcile could be so controversial! But to be honest, I don’t take myself too seriously.  I know some of these comments come from genuine concern, while others come either from envy or spite.  At the end of the day I try to stay grounded and stay on the right path.  I pray, meditate and contemplate.  And I try to do what’s best for Bahrain.

I seem to have angered the extremists on both sides (but more than one person told me that that’s a good sign and that I’m doing something right, who knows).  The extreme pro-government camp are angry because I sympathise with some of the opposition’s demands, and that I’m building bridges with them, and the extreme anti-government camp is angry because I dare to support the supposedly evil government.

But I also get a lot of positive feedback, which I appreciate immensely.  It seems I have quite a following of “moderates” who agree with my views – or most of them at least.

Quite a few people from in and out of Bahrain have either predicted or suggested that I “get into politics.” That’s never been part of my plan. Politics is a dirty game.  One friend described it saying “politics is like wrestling in the mud, even if you’re clean you’ll still look as dirty as the other guy.”

Why I do what I do

My main motivation is helping this country heal and reconcile, it’s what drives me now.  And this motivation fits in well with one of my personal philosophies, which is to take risks.

When I mentor or coach young entrepreneurs and students about starting their own business, I always talk about the “rocking chair test.” This is where you imagine yourself being 90 years old, and sitting on a rocking chair, looking back at your life. You don’t want to end up being 90 years old and wishing you had done this or that, wishing you had spoken when others were too scared to speak.

I tell youngsters hesitant about being entrepreneurs that they should do it, because they might regret not doing it later when they are 90 years old.

I believe in taking risks.

And it’s with this philosophy in mind that I speak my mind about this never-ending crisis.  I don’t want to have any regrets.  Sure, I might burn myself in the process and be left out to dry, but at least I can hold my head up high and say “I spoke!” while others were afraid to.

Did not ask for this:

For the record, and for those who care, 90% of the media and social media attention I got I did not ask for.  Since March I’ve been asked to be interviewed by several journalists, asked to appear on TV, have been invited to international conferences, and even had been interviewed by students doing their theses on social media and the Arab Spring.  I’m usually happy to oblige and just go with the flow.

How I help reconciliation:

I was recently interviewed by an American journalist, and I told him that my top priority is to help in Bahrain’s reconciliation.  He asked me how I was planning to do that, “by facilitating conversations I replied.”

In the last couple of weeks I’ve spoken to political leaders, current and past government officials, members of the ruling family, medical doctors involved in the crisis, business people and others.  Whenever I speak to a pro-government person I try to clarify to them the opposition’s view, and when I speak to an anti-government person I try to explain to them the government’s point of view.

Of course defending the government can be extremely difficult, seeing what some of it’s members did during the crackdown. But I trudge ahead nonetheless.

I learnt during a leadership course that leadership is “about relationships, and the conversation is the relationship.”  I’m not claiming in any way to be a leader of any significance, but I’m trying to facilitate conversations, and I’m doing it for the love of Bahrain.

Thanks for taking the time to read this and talk to you soon.

I don’t think anyone can doubt that 2011 was a historic year.  An Arab spring, a US financial meltdown and partisan rifts, a UK debt crisis, tumultuous European riots, and a couple of natural disasters in Asia.

One is almost tempted to say that it can’t get any worse, but I wouldn’t dare tempt fate.  Things are interesting enough as they are…

As far as Bahrain is concerned, depending on which side of the fence you’re sitting, 2011 was either the year of freedom from repression and discrimination, or a year of unruly and violent riots  that frightened and angered peaceful citizens.

Either way, I hope 2012 is a better year for all of us.  I hope 2012 ushers in the necessary reforms that will satisfy the people of Bahrain.

I hope 2012 brings more love, compassion, mutual trust and understanding.  I hope 2012 will be the year of forgiveness and reconciliation.

I hope 2012 brings the people of Bahrain together, and makes this country stronger and better than it ever was.

Happy New Year.

ترددت هتافات كثيرة أثناء أزمة البحرين المؤلمة، و سمعنا شعارات تراوحت بين المعقول و اللامعقول، و كان صفات بعضها الغلو المفرط بينما مال معضها الى المعقولية و الانصاف، ومن بين هذه الهتافات و الشعارات الكثيرة تأملت شعارين إثنين وودت أن أعلّق عليهما حيث أنهما تكررا كثيرا أثناء الأزمة وهما “لا للعفو” و “الشعب يريد تطبيق القانون.”

فأنا لا أتفق مع عبارة “لا للعفو”، و أرفض الإنتقادات المباشرة و غير المباشرة الموجهة إلى جلالة الملك بخصوص الإعفاءات الماضية. ففي رأيي أحسن جلالة الملك تصرفاً حين أصدر عفواً عن المعتقلين السياسيين في الماضي، لأن الإسلام يحث على التسامح و المغفرة و اللين، حيث قال تعالى {فَمَنْ عَفَا وَأَصْلَحَ فَأَجْرُهُ عَلَى اللَّهِ} (سورة الشورى ٤٠) و {وَالَّذِينَ يُنْفِقُونَ فِي السَّرَّاءِ وَالضَّرَّاءِ وَالْكَاظِمِينَ الْغَيْظَ وَالْعَافِينَ عَنِ النَّاسِ وَاللَّهُ يُحِبُّ الْمُحْسِنِينَنَ} (آل عمران١٣٤)، فإن أمثلة التسامح و المغفرة كثيرة في ديننا الحنيف، و أنا معجب بتسامح و حلم جلالته.

و قبل أن أواصل حديثي عن العفو، دعونا نقف هنا لحظة لأبيّن وجهة نظري في هذه النقطة بقليل من الإسهاب. فإني أرى أن جلالة الملك كان صاحب السبق بأن استعان بلجنة مستقلة لتقصي الحقائق، و أخذ جلالته توصيات التقرير بكل جد، و سرعان ما أمر بتطبيق كل التوصيات التي أوصى بها التقرير و أنشأ لجنة وطنية لمتابعة تنفيذ توصيات التقرير. فلا جدوى اليوم من إلقاء اللوم على بعضنا البعض، بل يجب علينا الآن التفكير في مصلحة البحرين و البحرين أولاً، ولا فائدة من محاولة إثبات صحة موقف معين، أو إحراج فئة معينة، موالية كانت أو معارضة. و جرياً أن نعد التقرير “نقطة الصفر” التي تتيح لنا إعادة بناء النسيج الإجتماعي و رأب الصدع الذي سببته الأزمة.

فكل نداءاتي بالاعتدال و المصالحة تأتي من منطلق المصلحة العامة، و ليس تفضيلاً لفئة أو طائفة أو جماعة على أخرى. و أعتقد أن المصلحة العامة – ولا سيما اقتصاد البلد و مستقبل الأجيال القادمة – تتطلب تنازلات و تضحيات من جميع الأطراف. و أنا لا أمانع العفو- بل أحبذه – و لكن بطريقة مدروسة و بشروط. نحن نعلم من تقرير البسيوني أن عدداً غير قليل من المعتقلين ظُلموا و اعتقلوا جوراً، و كذلك نعلم أن عدداً غير قليل من المعتقلين خالفوا القوانين و الأنظمة حيث أنهم استخدموا العنف في التظاهر، و هاجموا الأبرياء، و أرهبوا المواطنين و المقييمين. و في الوقت نفسه نعلم أن بعض أجهزة الدولة استخدمت العنف المفرط في التعامل مع المعتقلين و لجأت – بشكل فردي غير مسؤول – إلى التعذيب البدني و النفسي.

إذن كيف الخروج من هذه المعضلة القانونية و المجتمعية الشائكة؟ نطبق القانون على من؟ و نستثني من؟ الحل، في رأيي، هو تأسيس لجنة حقيقة و مصالحة على النمط الجنوب إفريقي. و الجدير بالذكر أن المصالحة لا تعني القول لبعضنا البعض “عفا الله عما سلف”، فهذا سيؤدي الى نتائج عكسية لا ترضي القاصى ولا الداني.  المصالحة هي عملية طويلة ومفصلة و معقدة، لكنها ممكنة الحدوث و هناك مجتمعات كثيرة و أنماط حية استطاعت التعايش و التآلف رغم الاختلاف الديني و العرقي و ربما الطائفي أيضاً، على سبيل المثال لا الحصر، جنوب إفريقيا، رواندا و إيرلاندا الشمالية.

و سوف تفتح هذه اللجنة -بإذن الله-  المجال لكل المتضررين للتعبير عن أنفسهم، و التعبير عن النفس بحد ذاته يسهم في شفاء الجروح النفسية العميقة. و يجب ألا تقف اللجنة عند هذا الحد، بل تطلب ممن ظَلموا و من جميع من انتهك حقوق أخيه البحريني أن يتحدث أيضاً.و يجب أن يعبر كل منهم عن مكنون ذاته و يُسألوا عن سبب ارتكابهم ما قاموا به من أعمال مشينة. و سوف يتيح ذلك الفرصة للدولة و المجتمع ككل لتعلم الدروس القيمة و استنباط العبر، ثم إجراء الإصلاحات اللازمة كي لا تمر البلاد مجددا بمثل هذه الأزمة، وينعم الجميع بلأمن و الاستقرار في ظل دولة القانون و المؤسسات.

و الخطوة التالية هي إعلان عفو عام لجميع من تورط في الأزمة من الطرفيين – بإستثناء جرائم القتل -  و أن يكون هذا آخر عفو عام في البحرين، لكي لا يتعود المتورطون على الإعفاءات، و يفهموا أن من الآن فصاعداً سوف يطبق القانون على كل من خالفه، سواءاً كان شاباً ثائراً في قرية من القرى، أو شرطياً أو  مسؤولاً في الدولة، وعندها نصّر على عبارة “الشعب يريد تطبيق القانون.”

المشوار طويل و معقد، و لكن هل لدينا خيار آخر؟ لقد جرب مجتمعنا التظاهر (السلمي و غير السلمي) و العنف و التخوين و الإنقلاب و الحرب الإعلامية الخ..، و لم يجدي ذلك شيئاً. حان وقت المصالحة و التصالح، و نقول “نعم للعفو” ثم “نعم لتطبيق القانون”.

Wow! What a fascinating couple of days it’s been! I just had the pleasure of attending a half day conference in Chatham House in London. The subject of the conference was “Bahrain after the BICI report.”

I have to say I learnt a lot, and would like to thank my friend Jane Kinninmont from Chatham House for inviting me. I had initially declined the invitation, but Jane insisted and bribed me with free tickets and hotel accommodation. I’m glad she insisted, and I’m glad I attended. It provided a good forum to promote my message of reconciliation.

There was a small reception for speakers before the event, and I made sure to say hello to everyone. And I  made sure to take photos with some key opposition members, as well as with Dr. Abdulatif Al-Mahmood and some of his team.

I also found myself in the position of being an interpreter for Dr. Abdulatif in an impromptu meeting held between sessions. I like how he trusted me to attend the meeting and translate for him, I was caught completely off guard. Having spent some time with him, I ended up quite liking him, though I disagree with some of his views. The most important thing is that he has his heart in the right place, and I believe he passionately wants the best for Bahrain.

Most attendees knew who I was, and were happy to see me there. I was asked to relay an unusual message from a friend in Bahrain; he told me ” Suhail please pass on my regards to Maryam Al-Khawaja, I really admire her.” Okay… I’m not her biggest fan but I passed on the message nonetheless, and she said hello back.

Conference Highlights:

The conference consisted of three parts. The first was a panel consisting of Bahrain Ambassador Alice Samaan and BICI commissioner Sir Nigel Rodely, and chaired by Elizabeth Wilmshurst.

The second consisted of Sheikh Ali Salman and Dr. Abdulatif Al-Mahmood, chaired by Lord Williams of Baglan. The third session (which was meant to show the views of young Bahrainis) consisted of Mohammed Matar nephew of Matar Matar, Maryam Al-Khawaja, and yours truly.

Now, the event was held under the Chatham House rule, which means you can mention what was said, but not who said it. So I’ll give you some highlights and my impressions, without being too specific:
- There are good and bad things to take away from the event. On a positive note, it was healthy to have an open forum where things could be discussed openly without restrictions – and without fear. We desperately need such a forum in Bahrain. On a not-so-positive note, I got the impression that we are no closer to reconciliation after the BICI report than we were before. There is still a LOT of bad blood.
- Sadly, too much time was spent talking about the past, rather than focusing on the future. And the blame game was played there was well. The idea of letting bygones be bygones did not feature highly.
- The topic of HRH the Prime Minster came up several times, and that he should resign. This was countered by emphasising that the appointment of the Bahrain Prime Minister is done according to the Bahrain Constitution, and can be discussed and acted on through legal channels in the parliament.
- Sadly, a bit too much time was spent talking about religion, and the -real or imagined- Shia/Sunni divide. There was some concern expressed by some sunni attendees about the -alleged- Shia obsession  with Imam Al-Hussain, and how shias supposedly divide Muslims into good (those who supported Imam Hussain) and evil (those who did not support him and thus supported Yazid). He said that this obsession was a real obstacle to overcoming sectarianism. Some shia attendees were shaking their heads while this was being said.
- There was a lot of agreement between some of the points raised by the TGONU guys and Al-Wefaq, but it seems that there was a big difference in the perceived implementation. Also, there was a gulf of a difference in the crisis narrative.
- The issue of BTV was raised by several of the attendees, and there is a LOT of anger about how BTV behaved during the crisis.
- There were numbers, names and figure brought up of alleged continued human rights abuses after the BICI report was issued.
- I sat next to Sheikh Ali Salman during one of the sessions, and he had this zen-like energy about him. It was like he was in a meditative trance. He kept his cool throughout even when tempers flared around  him. He did, however, go over his time limit by quite a bit, causing the session, and subsequent sessions to be delayed.
- Some opposition members emphasised that they wanted the ruling family to stay, but they wanted a Western style constitutional monarchy.
- Overall, I expected the attendees – speakers and members of the audience – to be a bit more mature. There was a not insignificant number of interruptions and objections from the audience.  And a few grunts here and there when some points were being made. It’s obvious some people came to give the other side a piece of their mind. Like I said, reconciliation was not high on the agenda.

My presentation:

I think I was the only speaker to stick to the time limit. If you’ve been following me for a while, what I said at Chatham House would not be new to you. I spoke from a “moderate’s” perspective. I spoke about the different stages I went through during the crisis, with regards to my online activities. I emphasised that my current agenda is reconciliation, and that I thought it was pointless to obsess over the past.

I also emphasised my mottos “yes to the ruling family, no to corruption” and “evolution not revolution,”. I also mentioned that I accept the BICI report in its entirety. I also added my suggestions for reform, and that I dream of seeing a truth and reconciliation commission in Bahrain. I also emphasised that I do not endorse the horrific acts committed by some members of the government.

Things got slightly rowdy during our session, where several members of the audience highjacked the Q&A mic to make long-winded points. Some people got really passionate, a bit too passionate.

Someone asked me what I think would be the best way forward after the crisis, and I said “I think we need to lock five people together in a room; His Majesty the king, HRH the Crown Prince, Sheikh Isa Qassim, Sheikh Ali Salman and Dr. Abdulatif Al-Mahmood. And not let them out until a resolution has been found.” Some people agreed with me, while others vehemently disagreed. Someone asked me “but which of these will represent you Suhail??”  “All five of them,” I replied.

To be honest I did not feel nervous or intimidated, even though my other panellists were “anti-government” and some aggressive questions were thrown my way. I think though, that my presentation was quite well received with all but the most extreme of attendees. A lot of people thanked me afterwards and gave me their business cards. One guy gave me his card and asked me to get in touch, it was only later, when I had a closer look at the card, that I realised he was from Lulu TV. I did not contact him.

I left the conference with mixed emotions. On one hand I felt sad that there was still so much disagreement, the wounds are still raw, and the frustrations high. On the other hand, I felt a sense of optimism and hope. The fact that so many people managed to express themselves in a -mostly- civilised way was good. It’s something to build on. Either way, I will continue down my path, and hope it makes a difference some how.

Dinner with Sir John:

After the event I had the honour of being invited to dinner by former UK ambassador Sir John Shepherd. He took me to the 100+ year old Oxford and Cambridge Club. Sir John reminisced about his time in Bahrain as ambassador 20 years ago, and told me how fond he was of my late father and my mother. He also very generously gave me his advice when I asked him about his views on reconciliation. We had a wonderful dinner in the posh club, and I left feeling nostalgic, and very lucky to have the friendship of such a distinguished man.

Meeting King Hamad:

The next day I got a call from a member of His Majesty’s court telling me that the king, who was in London at the time, wanted to see me. I was delighted! I was asked to come to the hotel where he was staying. I was told that he was about to leave and that he wanted to see me on his way out. I waited in the lobby a few minutes and when he came down I greeted him.

The king thanked me for my efforts and my views, and said that moderation was the key to moving forward. “Moderation is the answer, and extremism here or there [pointing left and right with his hand] is counter productive.” I thanked His Majesty politely and told him that I learnt moderation from him. As usual, he asked about my mother as well.

Personally, I am delighted to get this kind of encouragement and endorsement directly from King Hamad. It reinforces my view (and that of Prof. Basyouni incidentally) that he is a moderate, and wants to see an end to the crisis.

Some people have  suggested that since king Hamad, Sheikh Ali Salman and Dr. Abdulatif Al-Mahmood are in London, that some sort of secret meeting took place between them.  I cannot claim to have any insider information, but I very much doubt such a meeting took place. It’s most likely just a coincidence.

Meeting Mr. X:

Later in the day I had a very unusual meeting, I actually met with a guy from the Feb 14th movement! I shall refer to this person as Mr. X. It seems Mr. X was keen to meet me, and share some of his views.   This was kindly arranged by a third party. Mr X attended the Chatham House event.

The first thing I said to Mr. X, when we sat at the cafe table,  was “who the hell are you guys?” He smiled, and we ended up having a two hour conversation. I’ll try to list some of the major points that we discussed, as best as I understood them:
- The Feb 14th movement is not a structured, unified movement. It’s a loose coalition of different Bahrainis in Bahrain and abroad. “We consist largely of intellectuals and academics,” he told me.
- When I asked him how many people were in the movement he did not give me a straight answer, I think no one really knows how many there are. They don’t all know each other, and they don’t all agree. They communicate via email & BBM mainly.
- As we have heard before, they do not have a leader, it really does seem to be a loose coalition.
- When I asked Mr. X about his views of Al-Wefaq, he did not have good things to say about them. He said that he considers himself a secularist, and did not like “Al-Wefaq’s religious agenda.” he criticised how, according to him, Al-Wefaq boycotted the 2002 elections saying the were haram [religiously illegal], and then said they were okay in 2006. Also,  he was no fan of Sheihk Isa Qassim, saying that in the past, whenever there were problems, he would “escape to Iran.” He had more positive things to say about Haq, and thought they were better than Al-Wefaq (with the exception of Hassan Mushaima calling for a republic, which he thought was “very stupid.”)
- The Feb 14th movement consists of a mixture of moderate and more extreme elements. Mr. X told me that he does not agree with everything that the movement did or encouraged, but he saw nothing wrong with things like the Manama traffic encirclement, as long as it did not cause direct harm to anyone. He did believe in putting strong pressure on the government, through any means possible, but did not agree with pouring oil on the street, because that could kill people.
- Mr. X told me that they never expected events to unfold the way they did, and that he and some friends, pre- Feb 14th,  were laughing when one of their colleagues suggested that 50,000 people would show up to a rally. They thought the number was ridiculously high.
- The topic of the 2002 constitution came up, and Mr. X was of the opinion (as I have heard many times) that the 2002 constitution was illegal and void, and that we need a new constitution. He gave me a mini history lesson of Bahrain, most of which I’d heard before.
- Mr. X was also critical of Dr. Al-Mahmood and the TGONU gang, citing some of Dr. Abdulatif’s stances in the 1990′s. I’m afraid I cannot remember all the details he mentioned.
- We also discussed the topic of the rule of law, and  Mr. X was of the opinion that laws that were, according to him,  unfair and one-sided do not need to be obeyed.
- We discussed the phenomenon of road blocks and tyre burnings in Bahrain, and he reiterated what Al-Wefaq told me, which is that these youths are acting on their own accord, and are not receiving instructions from anyone. He also said that Haq does not have that much influence among them.
- Concerning the BICI report, Mr. X was of the opinion that it came out the way it did “because of Sir Nigel’s involvement”, suggesting that Sir Nigel was the one who made sure it was as professional and detailed as it was.
- Mr. X also politely suggested that I should blog less, and read up more on Bahrain’s history. I reminded him that blog posts were opinion pieces, and that I never claimed to know the full truth. I also told him that I learnt a hell of a lot of Bahrain’s history in the last 10 months, and that I saw no point in dwelling on the past, and that I would rather focus on the future.
- Mr. X was not too optimistic of Bahrain’s future saying that “unless there is drastic change, things will only get worse.”

Mr. X and I left the cafe walking towards a tube station. We shook hands when we parted and I told him “I hope we can meet again in Bahrain under better circumstances.” “I hope so too,” he replied.

What next?

I had to smile to myself after our meeting, did I really just meet nearly the whole spectrum of Bahraini politics in the past 24 hours? Who knew being so outspoken (and opinionated) could lead to this?

As far as my reconciliation agenda is concerned, I’m as determined as ever to go down that path. It’s a long and difficult one, but it has to be done, for the love of Bahrain…

Thanks for taking the time to read this, talk to you soon.

Source: christine-rollitt.com

يا حبيبي .. سوف أحكي لك عن ليل المحرق.. حين يخلو.. من جموع تنزوي في كل مفرق..

تقطع الوقت بأوهام وأحلام، وتطرق كل باب للدعابات واشجان الحديث..

علي عبدالله خليفة

المحرق، الحديث عنها تُحيي الأشجان في قلوب الكثير. للمحرق مكانة خاصة ليست فقط لدى البحرينيين، وإنما أهل الخليج أيضاً. هي المدينة التي وُلدت فيها وقضيت مايقارب الثلاث عقود بين فرجانها التي تمتزج فيها رائحة البخور وطباخ الغداء. هي المعشوقة التي احتضنت ولا زالت تحتضن الجميع بمختلف أطيافهم وأجناسهم ولم تقل لهم “إرحل ياغريب”، وإنما قالت بلهجتها الفريدة: حياك بين هلك وجيرانك.

ما هو السر في ذلك؟ ما هي الوصفة السحرية التي تمتلكها هذه المدينة وتجعلها فريدة من نوعها حين نقارنها بباقي مدن البحرين الحبيبة؟

لا ارى جواباً شافياً يشفي غليلي لأكون صريحاً. هل هي طيبة أهلها؟ هل هي نسيجها المتماسك الذي يمثل السد المنيع أمام أي فتنة طائفية؟ هل هي (دواعيسها) التي تحمل الذكريات الجميلة؟ لا يهم كل هذا، ما يهم أن تبقى هذه المعشوقة كما هي أمام أي محاولة لجرها نحو منزلقات الطائفية والمذهبية.

منذ ولادتي سكنت في حالة بوماهر وبالأخص فريج (الزياينة) بالقرب من فريج (الصنقل)، أو كما يستحلي البعض أن يسميه (بحر جون).
فريجنا كان مزيجاً من العوائل والأطياف. منزلنا كان يقع في آخر الطريق، فعلى يسارنا كان بيت السندي الذي طالم (زفنا) على لعب (الكورة) وإزعاجه، يليه منزل القصاب وعبدالرحيم الكوهجي (منزل الفنان التشكيلي المعروف جمال عبدالرحيم) ومنزل خداداد ومرتضى وغلوم رضا وبوطبنية واحمد عاشور الكوهجي (العضو السابق في الاتحاد البحريني لكرة السلة) ومنزل مال الله سلطان (منزل لاعب كرة السلة أحمد مال الله). وفي الجهة المقابلة منزل الشرطي الباكستاني إحسان (اللذي طالما شاركنا الأفراح والأحزان) ومنزل ميرزا وشويطر وخميس ومنزل الصحفية في أخبار الخليج (بروين نصرالله).
وكذلك شاركتنا عوائل المرباطي وحاجي والزياني وملا بخيت ودانشباية وغيرها من العوائل العريقة. ولا أنسى خباز الفريج واللذين كانوا يديرونه من أصول (هولية) وكيف كنا نشاغبهم على مدى تلك السنين.

جميعنا كنا نلعب ولم تعرف المذهبية طريقاً لها في الفريج لتفرقنا، نلعب (الكورة) والسللنگو والقلينة والماطوع والصعقير وغيرها حتى أذان المغرب، وكثيراً ما كان (يزفنا) الشيخ موسى الا نلعب وقت الصلاة ونذهب إلى المسجد، فنقول له: انشاالله شيخ، ولا حياة لمن تنادي.

كنا نذهب إلى مدرسة الهداية سوية (بالنقل العام) ونرجع معاً، نتعايد ونخرج إلى عذاري والحديقة المائية معاً، وغيرها من الذكريات الجميلة والأليمة التي أذكر منها وفاة أربعة من الأصدقاء لم تتجاوز أعمارهم الخمسة عشر ربيعاً قي حادثة حريق في الصخير حيث هزت الفريج وحولته إلى كتلة من الحزن آنذاك. ولا أنسى حين تمت إستبدال جثة (حسين) الشيعي مع (حسن) السني نتيجة تفحمهما ودفنت كل عائلة جثة الآخر، ولم يكن الأمر ذات أهمية بعد اكتشاف الأمر، بل زادت أواصر التلاحم قوة.

الكثير من القصص والمواقف التي كانت روح وأساس المودة بيت العوائل المحرقية بشكل عام، المودة والتواصل وروح الأخوة السائدة هي التي جعلت هذه المدينة بمنآة عن الترسبات الطائفية.

هذه هي المحرق التي نعرفها، وطالما قلت (اللي ما تربى في دواعيسها ما يعرف لها). بشكل عام تغيرت الطبيعة السكانية للمدينة نتيجة خروج الكثير من العوائل إلى مدن أخرى بينما أصر الكثير على البقاء فيها، لكن ظلت الروح الأخوية سائدة، يكفيك ان تأخذ (فرّة) في السوق والمقاهي لترى رجالها وعلامات الزمن على وجوههم والبسمة لا تفارقها.

ولم يكن موسم محرم يمثل أي إشكالية، على العكس، فالسني يشارك اخاه الشيعي في العزاء وتسير الامور بكل انسيابية ولم نكن نرى سوى بعض افراد شرطة المرور لتنظيم السير. على عكس ما حدث مؤخراً حيث كانت الأجواء متوترة نوعا ما نتيجة للأحداث التي جرت والتصعيد من افراد لا تتشرف المحرق بان تكون من اهلها. وبحمد الله لم تتطور الامور للأسوأ بفضل حكمة العقلاء والتوجيهات من صاحب السمو ولي العهد. فالعوائل المحرقية تعلم كل العلم بأن ما حصل دخيلة عليها وهم أكبر من ان تتم (طأفنة) الأجواء.

المحرق هي ما تجعل البحرين متماسكة ويضرب بها المثل في التعايش والتوافق بين مختلف الأطياف، فإن إضطربت فقد يؤدي ذلك إلى نتائج وخيمة ستؤثر على البحرين بشكل عام.

حفظ الله المحرق والبحرين من شرور الطائفية والمذهبية، وأنتم أكبر من أن تؤثر بعض الفئات على تماسكم وروح المودة فيكم يا (محرقيين). وكفو عليكم.

حسن زينل

توقعت – وربما بشيء من السذاجة – بعد صدور تقرير البسيوني، وكلمة جلالة الملك التي حثت على المصالحة، أن تتوقف التهم و الشتائم التي يوجهها بعض الإعلامين إلى المعارضة، وبطريقة غير مباشرة ، إلى طائفة أهل البيت الكريمة.  توقعت أن تبدأ الصحف بتغيير نهجها و أن تحث على المصالحة والمسامحة، كما عودنا على ذلك جلالته عبر السنين. ولكن خاب أملي، وللآسف وجدت أن الهجوم المباشر و غير المباشر زاد شراسةً. وكلما أرى الشتائم و التهم تتزايد، أسأل نفسي هل ينفع هذا التصرف مملكتنا الحبيبة؟ و ماالهدف من كل هذا الكره و العدوانية؟ و متى سينتهي هذا الإستقطاب الذي اقتحم مملكتنا الصغيرة؟

و تؤلمني بالذات عبارة ” حزب الله البحرين” ، التي يستخدمها البعض عند الحديث عن جمعية ” الوفاق” . و لا أتآلم حباً في “الوفاق” – فأنا من أول منتقديهم -  ولكن إحتراماً لأفراد الشعب البحريني الذين اختاروا جمعية “الوفاق” ممثلاً لهم. ويجدر بنا أن نتذكر أن للوفاق مابين خمسين إلى ستين ألف عضواً، وعندما نخوّن “الوفاق” نخوّن شريحة كبيرة من المجتمع البحريني، مما يؤجج الطائفية المقيتة التي نعاني منها جميعاً هذه الأيام.  و أعلم تمام العلم، أن من يستخدم هذه العبارة يفعل ذلك حباً لوطنه، و غيرةً على شعبه، و خوفاً من أعدائه، و ولاءاً لقيادته، ولكني مع ذلك أرى أن مساوئ هذه العبارة تفوق فوائدها بمراحل.

و لماذا التركيز على أخطاء المعارضة و إغفال ما جاء في تقرير البسيوني عندما يذكر أن أخطاء وتجاوزات الحكومة – أو بالأصح أفراد من الحكومة -  أكثر وأفضع بكثير من أخطاء المعارضة؟ ألم يكن الهدف من التقرير هو تقصي الحقائق وبدأ المصالحة؟ إن أردنا من المعتقلين والمفصولين و ضحايا التعذيب و أهالي القتلى أن يغفروا للحكومة أخطاءها أفلا يجدر بنا – نحن الموالون- أن نغفر للمعارضة أخطاءها؟

نعم ارتكبت “الوفاق” أخطاءاً أثناء الأزمة، و أهمها رفض مبادرة سمو ولي العهد مما آدى الى تصعيد الأزمة، ولكن ألا يجدر بنا التركيز على المستقبل فضلاً عن الماضى المؤلم؟ أليس قدوتنا جميعاً الرسول الأعظم عليه الصلاة و السلام الذي قال لأعدائه “إذهبوا فأنتم الطلقاء”؟ أين ذاك التسامح الذي نفتخر به كمسلمين و بحرينيين؟

أثبت تقرير البسيوني أنه لا توجد صلة بين أزمة البحرين و إيران وحتى حزب الله، لذلك آمل أن يكف الإعلام عن إستعمال العبارات المسمومة. فالحل الوحيد لتضميد الجروح المؤلمة و الخروج من الأزمة الطائفية الكريهة  هو الخوض في مبادرات المصالحة الوطنية، و مد كف التصالح و التسامح، ليس من أجل “الوفاق” و لا من أجل الحكومة، ولكن من أجل هذه الجزيرة الغالية و أجيالها القادمة ، و أسأل الله تعالى ألاّ تمر البحرين مجدداً بتجربة مريرة و مؤلمة كما مرَّ بها جيلنا.

www.youtube.com/watch?v=t-PM2P1fpoY

Breakfast this morning with Matar Matar in the Country Mall

I just came back from a very interesting and, I think, beneficial breakfast with former Member of Parliament and Wefaq member Matar Matar.

I know this action will annoy the more pro-government-than-the-government-itself crowd, and I assume it will also annoy the more anti-government-than-the-opposition-itself-crowd. But I think we have to start somewhere.  If Israelis and Palestinians can sit together at the same table, why can’t Bahraini’s from different sects and opposing political views do the same?

The Brief Story With Matar

There is a brief yet interesting story to how Matar and I met.  It actually started before we met.  A few weeks ago I was contacted by Al-Jazeera Stream to do another interview with them, with the counterpart being Matar Matar.  This was a few days before the elections last month.

I guess The Stream wanted a repeat of the highly watched, and very controversial showdown between me and Zainab Al-Khawaja.  I told them I didn’t want to do another show.  I had said all I wanted to say, and I just wanted to focus on reconciliation now.  The guys from Al-Jazeera insisted and tried to convince me several times.

So I started thinking, what if I contact Matar (I had not met him then) and asked if he was interested in making a joint, reconciliatory statement.  Wouldn’t that be great for Bahrain?  I weighed the risks of doing such a thing, and kept going back and forth on the idea.  In the end I decided I would, so that instead  ofbickering on Al-Jazeera, we would have a unified voice.

I didn’t have Matar’s contact details, so I went to the Al-Wefaq website to get their contact details.  But then I saw all these videos of rallies they had, and got a very negative vibe from the website.  In the end I decided not to do it, and told the people from The Stream I would not come on.

In the end Matar appeared along side my friend and Washington Media Attache Extraordinaire Saqer Al-Khalifa.  And I’m glad to report the discussion was very decent and balance.

Anyway, a couple of weeks later I got a Twitter direct message from Matar asking to meet!  What a coincidence! I agreed and we met a few days later in my office. He told me that he’d seen the Jazeera interview and was keen to meet me.  We spoke for about an hour and a half about the scene in Bahrain.

To give Matar credit, he initiated the contact, and when he came in he asked for feedback on what I thought Al-Wefaq was doing wrong, and why there was such animosity towards them from the Sunni street.

And this started the long conversation, in which we covered many aspects, including the refusal of the initiative of HRH The Crown Prince.  I have to say I learnt a lot from the conversation. Admittedly I did not agree with everything Matar said, but we managed to have a civilised and respectful conversation, which I think is sorely missing in Bahrain.

Anyway, Matar got in touch a couple of weeks later asking to meet again.  I told him I was busy and about to go to Hajj, and that I would contact him afterwards.  And so I did, and we met this morning.

My Opinion of Al-Wefaq:

Did Al-Wefaq make some major mistakes during the crisis?  Yes.  Could they have handled it better and helped calm the crisis? Yes.  But are they an Iran-backed organisation that seeks the destruction of Bahrain? No, I don’t believe that at all.  Also, I don’t think they have links to Hizbollah (but I’m fairly sure Haq has, but that’s neither here nor there).

What ever your view of Al-Wefaq, we must remember that this organisation has at least 50,000 to 60,000 members, and is the leading political party in Bahrain.  Furthermore, the number of people that follow it who are not members must make it represent at least 100,000 voices in Bahrain.  My point is that it’s very destructive to the country to dismiss them, or to brand them as traitors or a terrorist group.

Did Al-Wefaq call for the overthrow of the regime? No – at least not publicly, but I also think they were tolerant of those who called for a regime change, and probably would not have minded if a regime change had occurred.

Personally, I’m willing to forgive the mistakes of Al-Wefaq and build bridges. Why should I hold a grudge against the opposition when the list of crimes and mistakes of our government is ten times longer?  My personal agenda is reconciliation and building bridges.  Okay, moving on…

The things I Learnt From Matar:

In both meetings I had with Matar he was very frank and open.  And I assume he was completely honest with me.  Anyway, here are some major take-aways from the two conversations with him:

1) The Bahrain opposition is not all united, as some might think.  Al-Wefaq compete with the Youth of February 14th, Haq and the other opposition organisations.  They are not all one block and they don’t all get along.  And I’m pretty sure there is very little – or none at all – coordination between them.  The impression I got that they are not too keen on Hassan Mushaima and the Khawajas.

2) Al-Wefaq itself is not a unified block where orders come from the top to be carried out by the “minions down below.” They have lively debates, discussions and they very often disagree amongst themselves.  Matar told me that he disagreed with Sheikh Isa Qasim more than once.

3) As I understood it, many – but not all – senior Al-Wefaq members are willing to compromise with the government on some of the demands.  But don’t quote me on that, I might have misread that.

4) Matar was arrested during the crisis, beaten and mistreated.  But he also told me that not all his captors were abusive, some in fact were decent and treated him well.

I asked Matar what he thought about the BICI report, and he told me he had not read it yet, but overall from what he heard he was happy with it, with the exception of a few minor details.  It seems Al-Wefaq are not happy – so far – with the government’s reaction to the report.

The Crown Prince’s Initiative:

According to Matar, the Crown Prince’s initiative was not “refused”, they had reservations on several points. Chief among them was whether His Royal Highness was really empowered to make decisions.  I told him that, as I understood it, he was completely empowered.  A lot more was said about this point which I don’t want to get into, but in my opinion, what’s the point of dwelling on the past? Mistakes were made and it’s time to look ahead.

We discussed a few other matters which are not appropriate to blog about, at least not yet.  But overall, I’m happy to have had the chance to converse with Matar.

I hope it’s a small step towards national reconciliation.